The peaceful revolutionaries in Yemen came out in 2011 to resolve the issue of democracy and prevent tyranny and inheritance, after two decades of adopting the democratic approach and political and party pluralism; but the clear result since 2011, and specifically since the agreement on the executive mechanism of the Gulf Initiative, is its elimination, or more precisely its freezing until now.

Among the hundreds of photos, videos and publications that accompanied the liberation of Syria, I was struck by the photo of the last meeting that brought together the new Syrian leadership, represented by Commander Ahmed al-Sharaa, with the leaders of the Turkish state, represented by its Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, on Mount Qasioun. As a Yemeni, I was bombarded with a number of questions.

In uncivilized societies there are many oppressive and censorship authorities - whether political, religious or cultural - but for a society to build an invisible censorship authority over itself, an authority of tongue and reputation that fears its attacks as if it were a spy camera that no individual in society is safe from seeing.

I read an article by the Egyptian journalist and writer Wael Qandil in Al-Araby Al-Jadeed titled “Arabs after Sinwar and Nasrallah.” From the first line, he puts Sinwar and Haniyeh, “the leaders of the Palestinian cause,” on the same level of status as Hassan Nasrallah, “the leader of transnational sectarianism” and one of the main reasons that led to the collapse and destruction of the Arab Spring in more than one country, including Yemen through the counter-revolution represented by the Houthi coup in September 2014, or Syria through enabling the Assad regime to brutalize the revolution since 2011.

The Association of Families of Martyrs and Wounded in Taiz held a large festival entitled “Syria was liberated today, and Yemen will be liberated tomorrow.” This is an appropriate and interesting sign for those who seize opportunities and respond to popular challenges.

Universities located in Houthi areas have lost their identity during the era of the militias, their presence has deviated, their systems and regulations have changed, their message has changed, and their sanctities have been violated. They are no longer centers for building generations, a home for creating minds, or strategic institutions that issue knowledge and enlightenment.

There are clear paradoxes in the three scenes: Riad al-Asaad represents the movement that witnessed the reality of the armed Syrian revolution, starting from the establishment of the Free Army, until its expansion in the first years and until its defeat after the Russian intervention. Al-Asaad’s awareness, morals and vision provided complete and total recognition of the credit for the victory of the next generation of revolutionaries, i.e. Operation Deterrence of Aggression and the Salvation Government.

After the demise of the Iranian resistance axis in the two most important poles (Lebanon and Syria) and their horrific collapse, with the fall of that aura of exaggeration and deceptive amplification, the truth was revealed, which is that the poles of Iran are on the verge of collapse, and the liberation of Syria is considered a reason to diagnose the eyes and direct the destinies towards Sanaa and the logic of the appropriate moment to overthrow the Houthi militias and liberate the country from their sectarian grip and their Iranian servitude.

The Houthi detention centers in Yemen are no different from the detention centers of his cousin Assad in Syria, except for some procedures. There are terrifying details of the Yemeni abductees that are similar to the details we saw of the Syrian abductees, such as that young Syrian man who came out with amnesia, or of the Yemeni detainees who died in the Houthi detention centers from torture.

Liberating prisoners and kidnapped people is one of the noblest and greatest deeds. It is like bringing the dead back to life, literally and figuratively, for people whose souls were destroyed by the Houthis, Assad, and Iran.