Another uprising is being nipped in the bud in Qifa!

Resistance is an act embodied in the structure of Yemen, society and tribe, and rejecting the Imamate and its new henchmen is a present and burning obsession in the depths of the thinking, behavior and values of every Yemeni. However, the opportunity has not arisen to transform all those raging obsessions against the Houthis into tangible facts and witnessed actions; because starting to resist him within the scope of his control and the depth of his authority requires many data and dimensions that guarantee achieving superiority over him and changing the map of the conflict with him. However, breaking the barrier of fear and not caring about the means of survival in the event of an adventure is considered heroic tyranny, unique courage and exceptional determination that history books preserve and take as inspiring and motivating actions to overcome the restrictions of fear of defeat and abuse and triumph for the honor of dying with courage and dignity and not living with humiliation and enslavement.

Over the course of a decade of the Houthi coup, several blatant uprisings, massive mobilizations, and bloody internal battles have erupted, led by some regions and tribes against the militias, and their endings were tragic and vengeful, to the point of extermination. However, they are great testimonies and hymns of pride and heroism that stood up to the priesthood with all valor and steadfastness, had it not been for their abandonment and leaving them alone to be abused, whether by neighboring tribes or by the national army on their borders.

From the Atmah uprising in Dhamar to the Hajur uprising in Hajjah to the Haymah uprising in Taiz to the uprising of the Al Awad tribes in Al Bayda and the Khabza areas in Rada’a and most recently the Qayfa uprising in Al Bayda, which is currently suffering the most brutal Houthi genocidal persecution and revenge.

History books and biographies have preserved many bloody incidents and events between the Yemeni tribes and the Imams who used to torture anyone who rebelled against their authority. Today is very similar to yesterday, as the lineage is the same, and the brutality is from the lineage of the defunct Imamate tyranny. Therefore, the Houthis view the uprisings and rebellions in their regions as a strict challenge that does not accept leniency and an imminent danger that must be brutally suppressed, its roots uprooted and made a lesson for others, a lesson of destruction, devastation, torture and annihilation. Hajour, Atmah and Al-Haymah were erased and their features changed forever. Waqifah is following suit, after the militias sent huge reinforcements to crush a small village with various heavy and medium weapons, because the tragedy of the expansion of the fire of the uprising and rebellion to more regions and wider tribes will cause them death, and perhaps its wind will fly in other valleys, as the resentment is overwhelming, the discontent is sweeping, the oppression is unbearable and there must be a day of mobilization and deliverance.

The resistance of Qifa is not just a passing uprising; rather, it is an act of rejection that has been rooted for hundreds of years against the Imamate, of which the Houthis have become the symbol in this era. It follows a policy of uprooting, complete suppression, and breaking the prestige of the tribes that used to boast of their strength, resolve, and cohesion against the forces of humiliation, enslavement, and imposition of hegemony over them, the hegemony of tyranny in the name of authority, or the hegemony of dependency and the stock of fighters, where the tribes are viewed as a production factory that benefits whoever takes over the reins of affairs, and they must obey him against their will, no matter the level of contradiction between their fixed values and the ruler’s systematic strategy with them. This means an imbalance in the system of the relationship between the tribe and the authority.

Accordingly, Qifah received the punishment of a disobedient and wayward son who rebelled against his benefactor. This is how the matter appears in the Houthi’s view. He wants to inflict the harshest punishment on it and erase its existence from the map, to be a useful lesson for other tribes, from whom the Houthis have taken away their beloved children and involved them in his battles to the point of exhaustion. They found themselves forced to go along with him in his destructive project for Yemen in general and for the tribe in particular. There is no room for retreat or escape from his crucible, knowing that the tribe violated the sanctity of its principles and trampled on the literature of its morals and customs, when it stained its hands with blood and tarnished its reputation by slipping behind sectarianism in society, dismantling its fabric, violating its sanctity, and permitting its bloodshed without logic or custom. It followed the approach of the lineage that despises the tribe and disdains its value and societal symbolism.

Accordingly, what is happening in Qifah Rada’a takes us to a legitimate question in the context of the Imamate republican battle and the historical conflict between them, and the Yemeni legitimacy’s leadership in resisting the return of the Imamate and restoring the state through a long-term, intractable battle that has lasted nearly a decade between ebb and flow, internal and external entanglements, and reliance on political and military alliances locally, regionally, and internationally, but without all of that causing a tangible change on the ground. However, the major failure in this context is how the legitimacy neglected the strategy of birthing the victory of its battle with the Houthis and the possibility of its emergence from the areas under its control, where not all those under its control owe it loyalty or participation in its fronts, whether tribes, leaders, military or civilian figures. The legitimacy could have worked in an implicit manner to invest in the plan to dismantle the Houthi fortification system by establishing a connection, communication, coordination, and support between it and the tribes adjacent to the contact areas and the borders separating the liberated areas and the Houthi areas, and how they can be taken as gates for the legitimate forces to cross and advance on the Houthis from them as an alternative plan that can bear fruit. If it is taken care of and neglected, but this matter does not occur to the legitimacy and it does not think with the mentality of someone seeking victory, but rather waits for it to come to it in ready-made molds.

The betrayal of the Bani Hanifa tribes in Saada when they rose up and the forces of the Maran axis affiliated with the legitimacy were at a distance from them, and the Hajour uprising in Hajjah even though the forces of the Third Military Region were able to open a line of defense and supply to Hajour and change the map of confrontations and exploit the tribes’ arrogance there, as well as the Haymah uprising, which was more appropriate for the Taiz axis to open a gap from the 60th line and bypass the militias all the way to Haymah, and finally Qayfah, which the Giants Forces were supposed to advance from Shabwa to rescue.

Therefore, images of humiliation will spread deep within the society there, and submission to the militias’ mischief will become logical for the tribes, after they saw their actions as a collection of displacement, kidnapping, bombing of homes, and razing of villages. Here lies the danger in losing hope of liberation from the tyranny of the priesthood, and killing the feeling of resistance and rejection, so that the feeling of helplessness and failure spreads, and prolonging the enemy’s survival and exploiting the tribes’ forced loyalty by pushing their sons to support the fronts and strengthen his complaint in the confrontations.

But as the complexity of our battle with the Houthis increases and enters new slumps, our ability to win weakens. We will then realize that we failed to ignore the resistance action brewing in the areas under his control, and we left that action to gradually diminish to the point of disappearing after receiving fatal blows that eliminated its existence secretly and openly. So what if the Arab coalition had worked to penetrate the Houthi geography by dismantling it from within and changing the map of the battle with it, it would have achieved a better victory than attacking it from above without hitting it on the ground.

For the record, the nature of the war with the Houthis requires thinking of other strategies, other than its current pattern of each one fortifying himself on a hill. Among those options is that we restore the tribes’ confidence in themselves, sharpen their national spirits, exploit their discontent, and establish a relationship with them to rise up from the heart of the dynastic areas and join forces with the legitimate forces at more than one turning point. As for leaving them to face their miserable fate, that is missing out on a solid shield of the battle’s shields. We have an example in the courage and strength of Qayfa, as it challenges the Houthis’ tyranny and sacrifices its most precious and valuable possessions as a price for its loftiness, pride, and defense of its dignity. Glory to its heroes and chivalry.