What is missing in our national battle?!

A legitimate and logical question that is brewing in the mind of every free Yemeni patriot who is tired of the dull image drawn on the forehead of the nature of the national battle against the Houthis, which has turned into an exhausting psychological complex in the search for closed answers to such an open question that disturbs Yemenis day after day, and is often answered by referring the subject to other incomprehensible or ambiguous contexts or clinging to excuses that reduce our responsibility for the current situation and the widening gap between us and our dream of refuting this equation and imposing a new Yemeni reality politically, militarily, socially and economically.

We all agree on our hostility towards the Houthis and their chronic danger to our destiny as a society and a state, but we lack translating this consensus and transforming it from a position into action, and drawing the features of this action in reality and bringing about a complete transformation in the perspective of the battle, its nature and preparation for it, but there is an imbalance that hinders this step and distracts from achieving it and preoccupation with labyrinths outside the core of this challenge and the appropriate preparation for it.

By comparing our political, constitutional and international legitimacy with our enemy’s lack of all of this, we find him more determined and resolute to continue to establish his presence and confirm his legitimacy as if it were his right and we were a stumbling block in his way, and his intense efforts to force society to support him and stand with him while the mission for us is limited to an army stationed on the outskirts of cities and their edges, and society’s separation from him militarily, and his submission to political instructions that restrict his movement, curb his impetus and weaken his strength through neglect, negligence and the cessation of support from him.

The Houthis were able to militarize various segments of society, subject them to sectarian mobilization, cultural courses, and combat training, and supply the fronts with thousands from time to time. Whenever they lost many of them in battles, they pushed for greater reinforcements from an inexhaustible human reserve. The loss of many of their elements in battles did not constitute a weak point, and this point represented the greatest challenge to the military human forces of the legitimacy, which suffers or has stopped renewing its forces and multiplying its soldiers for material and political reasons. The state did not adopt voluntary methods to join the national army or adopt compulsory recruitment as proof of national standards on the one hand or to support the army and balance it with its enemy, and activate the fronts with more determined and more enthusiastic leaders to achieve progress on the ground. The matter was limited to defense instead of attack, and developing plans to surprise and confuse the enemy on more than one front, and giving the issue of the truce and commitment to stopping the war the utmost importance, which undermined all the readiness of the national army and froze its programs, and made it vulnerable to permanent Houthi targeting.

Therefore, the Houthi project gives its fronts, elements, mobilizations, and strengthening its equipment top priority, and seeks the help of experts in manufacturing military equipment and activating the smuggling of weapons to it from more than one source, while the internationally recognized legitimacy did not take into account the similar interest in this aspect, and was satisfied with paying the army’s salaries only; without caring about strengthening the army’s combat capabilities and supporting it with modern combat equipment, whether in an apparent manner, which stopped happening after Yemen was placed under Chapter Seven, but it can resort to hidden methods and cooperate with official government bodies that want legitimacy to triumph in its national battle, such as Egypt, for example, and be determined to put forward such demands before its brothers and friends who support it as a legitimate authority.

Our battle lacks the unification of all forces under the banner of legitimacy, and it is not a condition for complete integration and the cancellation of their military and political positions, but rather it assumes the exchange of elements of military force and their agreement to strengthen this military aspect within the framework of the battle with the Houthis as he is the enemy of all, and it is not logical for those forces to be stationed in their own areas without participating in a collective national combat environment in which each of them contributes according to its strength and energy to bring about a change in the map of battles with the Houthis and penetrate their fortifications, and extract their confidence in their militias without linking this movement to a sovereign decision from the political leadership and the leadership council and returning it to the waves of back and forth between the forces of legitimacy and the militias.

On the other hand, the national battle lacks the success of state institutions in providing services to society, combating the failure of institutions, their inability to accomplish their tasks and eliminate corruption in them, improving resources and services and addressing the damages suffered by the people, achieving relative stability for the currency and confronting the economic collapse, so that trust is generated between the people and the state, and everyone stands by it in support of its legitimacy and appreciation for its efforts in establishing stability. Victory is not possible while we are in this miserable deterioration and the escalating suffering here and there, and the lack of trust between the state and the citizen if it is unable to improve his living conditions and address part of his needs.

The missing truth in this context is that all Yemenis, individuals, political components, parties, social and cultural figures, capital, merchants and elites are in dire need of redefining our relationship with the national battle and correcting the concept and perspective of it, as it is a grave mistake to consider that we are exempt from contributing to its victory, or to imagine any individual or collective dreams or ambitions outside its scope, and that distancing ourselves from it is destruction, as the danger of our enemy will devour all our illusions of remaining in the shadow of its presence, north, south, west and east, considering it a project of total sectarian destruction of Yemen, and it will not budge or be able to adapt to it at all, and nothing will work with it except engaging in a comprehensive national battle politically, economically, socially and culturally to restore the destiny of a homeland, liberate the will of a people and save a society from annihilation. If we possessed an appropriate amount of national loyalty and human and moral feeling, we would not remain like this staring into the void, searching for solutions in a pile of mirages, and helping our enemy to exhaust each other and weaken our ability to confront it. Before he weakens it with his hand.

Hence, thinking more deeply and more broadly will make us see the truth openly, and make up for our failure, and rebel against the state of stagnation that we have brought upon ourselves regionally and internationally and imposed upon us to adhere to at the expense of our national interest and our human future. The means of our suffering have multiplied, and we can no longer continue in such abandonment and surrender to the existing facts. No one but us will create a homeland for us, for we are the ones concerned with restoring it and capable of liberating it. Time will leave us behind and history on its margins unless we reformulate our present and begin to penetrate the closed, frozen ocean of our battle.