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Al-Razami Crisis... The Unspoken Houthi Hotbed... Where to? And What Are the Possible Options?
Reports | 2 December, 2024 - 1:16 AM
Exclusive: Yemen Youth Net
A screenshot from the program “From the Other Side”, showing Yahya Abdullah Ayedh Al-Razami in military uniform on the wall screen.
The program "From the Other Side", broadcast by the "Yemeni Youth Net" satellite channel, revealed some details of the serious crisis that is "unspoken" within the Iranian Houthi militias, with one of its armed tribal pockets, which has become a difficult military figure within the group, despite not being subject to the military and administrative hierarchy of its current leader, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, or even the security arrangement imposed by the Iranian Revolutionary Guard on its militias in Yemen.
The "From the Other Side" program confirmed that the Houthi leader "Abdullah Ayedh Al-Razami" and his son "Yahya Al-Razami" have become a real source of concern within the group, which has gradually begun to grow since its current leader, Abdul-Malik Al-Houthi, assumed leadership following the death of his brother, the founder of the group: Hussein Badr Al-Din Al-Houthi in 2004.
The episode of the program, which aired on Saturday (November 30), revealed, according to private information, that this crisis recently reached its peak when Abdullah al-Razami and his son Yahya al-Razami refused the orders of the group’s leader to transfer their forces to the province of Taiz - in central southern Yemen. The program’s presenter wondered about the position that the Houthis could take in the face of one of their leaders’ refusal of his orders, especially in light of the rumors of firmness and strict organizational unity within the group..?!
The program presenter, journalist Abdullah Dubla, described this crisis as “hidden” within the wings of the Houthi militia, “especially since this military and tribal pocket within the group is perhaps invisible, and not expected by many who believe that the Houthi group is distinguished by a strict organizational unity, and that there are no protrusions or special pockets in it, especially in the security and military aspects.”
He added: "But this time we have a story about a person who has always been present in the Houthi group, Abdullah Ayedha Al-Razami, who was a companion of Hussein Al-Houthi in the House of Representatives, and also participated in the first war in 2004. Now with him is his son Yahya Abdullah Al-Razami, who has become a difficult military figure within the group, and is not subject to the hierarchical arrangement in the group."
Why do Houthis want to get rid of Yahya Al-Razami? | From the other pic.twitter.com/tC8n965N0A
— Yemen Youth TV Channel (@TVyemenshabab) November 30, 2024
Al-Razami.. Background, upbringing and loyalty
The program provided background on Abdullah Ayedh Al-Razami, who was a former member of the Yemeni parliament (2003) with Hussein Badr al-Din al-Houthi, the founder of the group, and was his partner since the first war in Saada (2004). When the latter was killed by the Yemeni army forces in the same year, and his brother Abdul-Malik al-Houthi took over the leadership of the group, it was rumored at the time that Abdullah Al-Razami had defected and refused to join them again under Abdul-Malik’s leadership.
Later, his son, Yahya Abdullah Ayedh Al-Razami, appeared and began leading armed groups called the "Hamdan Axis", which is a border axis with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, specifically with the Najran region - southwest of the Kingdom. The name of this axis was given in reference to the "Hamdan bin Zaid" tribes, which are considered one of the fiercest Yemeni tribes in Saada, and are adjacent to the Saudi border, which made them gain great importance within the group, and also for the neighboring country (the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia).
According to the program, the armed tribal forces in the Hamdan axis, which are affiliated with Abdullah al-Razami and his son Yahya, "are not subject to the hierarchy of Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, or the Iranian security arrangement...", as Abdullah al-Razami enjoys special independence, and he says that he is loyal to Hussein al-Houthi, who he believes will return..!!
Journalist "Dublah" considered these statements by Al-Razami (the father) to be "not stupidity on his part", as some believe, especially since Hussein Al-Houthi has died, "but intelligence", explaining: "When a man confirms that he is loyal to Hussein Al-Houthi, considering him the origin, he is naturally not loyal to his brother Abdul-Malik Al-Houthi", the current leader of the Houthi militias, "whom Al-Razami finds himself a strong rival to"..., "and therefore he does not recognize Abdul-Malik's leadership over the group, but rather is parallel to him", while both Abdullah Al-Razami and his son Yahya also, according to journalist Dubla "want to be partners with Al-Houthi, and not subordinate to him".
In this context, he pointed out that Abdul-Malik al-Houthi “has always dealt with the forces of Abdullah al-Razami and his son, on the Saudi border, as part of his forces, which sometimes attacked the border, and at a lesser rate at other times,” which makes him guess that they “may want to play on building a good relationship with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia,” as Abdullah al-Razami, and his son, did not “want a complete break with Saudi Arabia.”
But otherwise, the presenter pointed out that "when the group confronted Ali Abdullah Saleh, these forces moved from Saada, participated in the war against him, and remained in Sanaa, especially in the Hamdan areas and some axes surrounding the capital Sanaa." This suggests that they are affiliated with the Houthis, adding: "But this presence as a military enclave has become worrying or displeasing to the group, which is controlled by the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, especially from a security perspective."
Escalating disputes
The "From the Other Side" program revealed, according to special information, that Yahya, the son of Abdullah Al-Razami, refused directives from the group's leader, ordering him to move his forces to the "Taiz" governorate - central southern Yemen. In light of what is believed to be that such a refusal is not an easy thing to happen within the group, the program identified two ways for the group and its leader Abdul-Malik Al-Houthi to deal with this issue, both of which will have negative consequences for the group: "Either Yahya Abdullah Al-Razami is eliminated, and Al-Houthi loses the Hamdan bin Zaid tribes, as fighters, and an important and unusual military pocket. Or he is overlooked, and then he grows even more, and becomes a source of concern for the group."!!
"Therefore, the journalist "Dublah" adds: "It can be said that Abdullah Ayedha Al-Razami currently represents (with his son Yahya) a problem within the group in the security and political hierarchy with Abdul-Malik Al-Houthi. On the one hand, he is loyal to him, and on the other hand, he maintains financial, administrative and military independence for his forces, which are not subject to the administrative hierarchy with Abdul-Malik Al-Houthi's forces."
He added: “This is, of course, a problem for the Houthi group, and we will see what the group can do with him?” - meaning specifically with Yahya Abdullah Al-Razami.
Organized Houthi targeting
In fact, when Abdul-Malik al-Houthi failed to gain the loyalty and allegiance of Abdullah Ayedha al-Razami, he tried to win over his son Yahya by granting him the rank of brigadier general in his army, and also appointed him head of the Houthi military delegation tasked with negotiating with the legitimate government in the Jordanian capital (Amman). However, it seemed as though the latter was not easy to win over and completely separate from his father’s path.
In addition, it became clear that Yahya Al-Razami had a good relationship with the country on whose borders his forces were stationed. The Houthi militias sent him at the head of their delegation that arrived in Riyadh in the middle of last year (2023) on the first public visit by the Houthis to Saudi Arabia , which came in response to an invitation from the Kingdom to attend the Hajj rituals. There, Al-Razami met with Prince Khalid bin Salman, the brother of the Saudi Crown Prince, and the person directly responsible for the war file in Yemen. As a result, Al-Razami was subjected to a scathing and organized attack by Houthi media outlets, some of which exposed him in an embarrassing matter while he was in Saudi Arabia (and the Houthi-affiliated Sons of (Saba) Agency considered him one of the participants, not the head of the delegation)..!!
As a result, when Yahya al-Razami returned to Sana'a, his group, the Hamdan bin Zaid tribes, and his forces in Sana'a sought to restore his reputation by organizing a huge reception for him at Sana'a airport, which was remarkable, before moving him to a large wedding hall crowded with loyalists in the center of the capital. This was a message not only to Saudi Arabia, but also to the Houthis, who targeted him in the media.
Yahya al-Razami, with the help of his father, initially became an independent solid bloc outside the Houthi group, which later made him a difficult figure that could not be ignored within the group itself. Although the Houthi media continued to ignore him, as they did not cover his news, according to what was mentioned in the program, he worked to overcome this by creating his own platforms and media channels on social media, most notably YouTube, to broadcast his speeches and the speeches of his father, Abdullah al-Razami. It was noted that they use names specific to his forces, such as: "Razamiyun" or "al-Razamiyun", and "the valiant fighter", which suggests an intentional distinction between them and the forces affiliated with the Houthis, in their entirety. This, according to what the program sees, "has implications, that these forces are not completely subject to Abdul-Malik al-Houthi."
Houthi options
The program host touched on the rumors that Al-Razami received generous financial support from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which he described as "also having experience in dismantling, or communicating with groups within hostile groups," which makes them a growing source of concern for the Houthi militia. However, he went on to point out that talk of the aforementioned Saudi support is not confirmed, and "perhaps it is one of the rumors spread by the Houthi group" against them with the aim of "demonizing them" so that "it is easier to deal with them militarily."
Although he initially ruled out that Al-Houthi would take such a step, given the great tribal support that Al-Razami enjoys from the most powerful tribes in Saada, saying: “From my point of view, I find that dealing with Abdullah Al-Razami, or even his son, is not an easy matter, and the Houthi group will think a thousand times before taking such a step (eliminating Al-Razami), considering that he enjoys great tribal support in the Razamat, which are large tribes, especially the Hamdan bin Zaid tribes in Saada,” adding: “I think that the militia will deal with him as it has always dealt with him, turning a blind eye, and will not take a dangerous step like getting rid of him.”
However, he later returned and amended his previous expectation to not ruling out the possibility of this happening, in that the Houthi group "may also be forced to get rid of him, if he represents a major and intolerable concern."
But overall, according to what the program decides, “Yahya al-Razami and his father Abdullah al-Razami are a military and tribal force not to be underestimated within the Houthi group,” adding: “Let’s see what Abdul-Malik al-Houthi and the security apparatus affiliated with the Revolutionary Guards can do with this hotbed, or with this important tribal military pocket within the group?”
He added: "Will the group remain silent about Yahya al-Razami's refusal to transfer his forces to Taiz and keep them in the capital Sana'a? Especially since the presence of these forces in the capital Sana'a is a source of concern for the Houthis, in addition to those forces present on the border axis (Hamdan axis), which also represents a source of concern for the group."
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