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Iran and Yemen: Complex Relations and a History of Deception
Reports | 24 March, 2025 - 9:32 PM
*Anwar Al-Ansi

Like others in the region, Yemenis sympathized with the revolution and the "Islamic Republic of Iran." However, they soon became wary, like others, of the rhetoric it began exporting to various Sunni-majority Arab countries, laden with its own "sectarian and political" vision of Islam.
When war broke out between Iran and Saddam Hussein's Iraq, Yemen sent a "special" unit of its forces into Iraq to participate in "defending the eastern gate of the Arab nation."
Despite the symbolism of this step, Iran took it more seriously than it should have. However, the most dangerous turning point in the relationship between Sanaa and Tehran came after it was reported that the late Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh and his Iraqi counterpart Saddam Hussein had visited one of the areas of the Qasr-e Shirin district in northwestern Iran. This was only days after the Iraqi army entered it in late September 1980. Tehran summoned the Yemeni ambassador and informed him of its strong displeasure with President Saleh performing Friday prayers with Saddam in what it called “occupied territory.”
Saleh in Tehran
In an attempt to mend the deep rift that had struck his country's relations with Iran following its alliance with Iraq during the latter's war with Iran, the late Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh went to Tehran on April 17, 2000, to meet with Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and President Mohammad Khatami. What I and others understood from his statement after his return was that "souls were at peace" and that "what is between us and our Iranian brothers has returned to normal," as he put it. However, this assessment of the results of his visit was not entirely accurate, as it later became clear.
Khatami's visit to Sana'a
Then, more wars broke out, each one of which the group emerged stronger than before. The younger brother of its founder, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, took over the leadership of those wars, while the third brother, Yahya Badr al-Din al-Houthi, sought political asylum in Germany, thus forming a link and connection between Iran and his group in Saada. He took advantage of his presence in Europe to appear in some Arab and international media outlets, speaking about the "injustice" suffered by his rebel group.
A year after the uprising that toppled Saleh's regime in 2012, official delegations and local mediators traveled to the movement's stronghold in Saada in an attempt to persuade the group to participate in the UN-sponsored National Dialogue Conference, which acknowledged the "injustice of Saada." The body of the group's founder was handed over to his family on June 5, 2013, where his funeral was held with the participation of many of his followers. A large shrine was also built for him, resembling the shrines of Shiite imams in Iran.
coup against dialogue
The Houthis quickly moved to circumvent the national consensus and seize control of the capital, Sana'a. This led to the outbreak of war against them in late March 2015, with the aim of restoring Yemeni legitimacy. This has yet to be achieved due to Iranian intervention.
International and regional efforts
Every time UN envoys went to Yemen to meet with Iranian leaders in Tehran, hoping to help them persuade the Houthis to respond to calls for dialogue and a political solution to the conflict in Yemen, the Iranians responded to those envoys with the following response: "If you think the decision regarding Ansar Allah is in our hands, then you've knocked on the wrong door!"
Many were optimistic that the agreement signed between Saudi Arabia and Iran in Beijing on March 10, 2023, would create an opportunity for peace in Yemen and the region.
For its part, Riyadh hosted a Houthi delegation in September 2023, which met with Saudi Defense Minister Prince Khalid bin Salman. During the meeting, the minister affirmed that "Saudi Arabia is keen to reach a comprehensive and lasting political solution in Yemen."
For the same purpose, Saudi Arabia dispatched its ambassador to Yemen, Mohammed Al Jaber, to meet with Houthi leaders in Sana'a. After a visit that lasted several days, the Houthis' position changed little except for a fragile truce that was likely to collapse. It became clear that Tehran, for its part, had not asked the Houthis to move from the truce to a political solution.
Now... what next?
There is absolutely no bet on Iran ending its interference in Yemen, especially after all the changes that have occurred in the region, which have led to the collapse of its arms in Syria and Lebanon. Rather, it is in dire need of its remaining arm in Yemen, which has become difficult to break from within militarily, or from outside, as happened in Syria and southern Lebanon.
Iran will not cease its interference in Yemen, especially after the arrival of a new US president to the White House who views Iran's nuclear program as a threat to global peace and security. Tehran has no one willing or prepared to risk engaging or provoking him except its last remaining arm in Yemen, a country on the verge of once again falling victim to the deception and maneuvering between Tehran and Washington.
It can be asserted that Yemen has repeatedly tried to steer its relations with Iran in the right direction, based on equality and mutual respect. However, Tehran has repeatedly turned its back on any agreement or sincere intentions towards Yemen. Iran's eyes have basically remained, over the past decades, on Sana'a as a "fourth capital" loyal to it, and on the position of Yemen, to complete its grip on the Arabian Peninsula and the Gulf, and to be a center for controlling the security of the most important seas in the region, the Arabian and the Red.
Source: Magazine
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