Foreign Minister: Red Sea attacks harmed the roadmap, and a return to the military option is possible.

Yemeni Foreign Minister Shaye' al-Zindani said that the attacks launched by the terrorist Houthi militia on cargo ships in the Red Sea have undermined the roadmap, which was supposed to be signed in December 2023.

In an interview with Al- Araby Al-Jadeed , he explained that there is still a desire to implement this plan, but that political and international developments have affected the plan in one way or another. He pointed in this context to Washington's designation of the Houthis as a foreign terrorist organization.

Minister Al-Zindani stated that Saudi Arabia still believes the roadmap is valid for a solution, and that it may be partially amended. This is the current approach, as far as we know.

He pointed out that there is still hope on the map and that it could be the solution to ending the war, noting that the Yemeni government hopes to end the war through negotiations, but if it is forced to return to the military option, it will do so.

Interview transcript

I met with the Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Qatar in Doha. What were the most important issues discussed?

We appreciate the role of our brothers in Qatar and their support for the Yemeni people. Our visit comes within the natural framework of strengthening and consolidating relations with our brothers in Qatar. My meeting with His Excellency the Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani, was fruitful, and we build on this visit with hopes of opening new horizons in relations between the two brotherly countries.

Have certain points been agreed upon in some files?

Many issues and coordination were discussed at various levels, as well as the continued support of various Qatari entities for Yemen in the development and humanitarian fields.

The Red Sea attacks have had an impact on the UN roadmap for resolving the crisis in Yemen. Is there anything new in this regard?

The roadmap came after significant efforts by Saudi Arabia and its brothers in Oman. The foundation of this roadmap was that it would pave the way for resolving a number of humanitarian issues and economic needs, and pave the way for a subsequent political process. Unfortunately, even as the truce was agreed upon, the Houthis attacked the oil port in Ad-Daba and also began escalating in the Red Sea. As a result, the plan was frozen due to the disruptions caused by the Houthis' behavior.

But is there any hope that it will be revived again?

There is a desire to implement this plan, but political and international changes have affected the plan in one way or another. As we can see, the US administration has issued a designation of the Houthis as a foreign terrorist organization. Consequently, this designation entails a series of measures and procedures, both internally and externally.

Does this mean that the UN roadmap, based on the changes you mentioned, is no longer valid?

There are still hopes on the map, and that it could be the solution to end the war. However, the problem is that when we talk about peace or a peace process, this process does not exist at all. However, efforts are being made to achieve this, and peace for the government is the primary option because this war was imposed on us by the coup plotters. We are not advocates of war in the first place, and we believe that the continuation of the war and its prolongation will cause great harm to the Yemeni people and their interests.

There's talk of American intervention in this matter, linking the return of the negotiating process to a halt to the Red Sea attacks. Has the US administration contacted you in this regard?

We are in contact with the US administration, the European Union countries, Britain, and also with our brothers in the coalition countries. In general, efforts are being made, but there have also been some differences. For example, we find that the European Union countries, whose position was somewhat lenient with the Houthi group, have become different. This is also the case with the United States of America. But in the end, thinking about launching any political process to achieve peace depends primarily on the behavior of the Houthis, and whether they are willing to accept a political solution, and whether they are willing to give up their weapons and be a component like the rest of the political components. In the end, peace is not just a desire, but also a behavior and practice.

Following US sanctions on the head of the Houthi negotiating delegation and their designation as a terrorist group, is a negotiating process still possible?

The negotiating process with the Houthis is essentially stalled, and we were relying solely on the mediation being undertaken by Saudi Arabia with the Sultanate of Oman. Therefore, we cannot say that these sanctions will affect the negotiations because they do not exist at all. The last direct negotiations with the Houthis were in Kuwait in 2016. This classification included a group of leaders who the United States believes played a role in the escalation that occurred in the Red Sea, and in the continuation of the war in Yemen in general.

But doesn't this mean that the US administration wants to disrupt this process until the Red Sea attacks stop?

The decision did not only include the Houthi chief negotiator, but also a group of well-known leaders, whose names were announced.

What are the Yemeni government's options in the coming period in light of the current situation in Yemen?

When we talk about the government's desire for peace, this does not mean that it is its only option. Perhaps it is an important and fundamental option because war is not in the interest of Yemen or the Yemenis in general. This militia has no national or political project for the benefit of Yemen. Unfortunately, it is governed by subservience to Iran, and its behavior does not serve the Yemeni people. If there is no path to peace, and these militias are not convinced of a political solution, then all other options are possible.

Is the military option on the table in the coming period?

When we talk about war in general, we can only talk about the military option. It is one of the options, and many say that the crisis in Yemen can only be resolved through a political process. We have been trying to do this for more than ten years, and we hope to resolve it in this way. But if we are ultimately forced to accept that there is no way to save the Yemeni people from this coup except through a return to military force, then that is possible.

Saudi Arabia has been pushing for a roadmap and a signing process over the past few months, but this has not happened. Are Saudi officials communicating with you regarding ideas or a vision for a solution?

We appreciate all the efforts made by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and its stance with the Yemeni people since the beginning of the war, as well as all our other brothers in the UAE, Qatar, and the Sultanate of Oman. This plan came after more than two years of effort. As for our brothers in Saudi Arabia, they are helping us reach a political solution. They still believe that this map is valid for a solution, and it may be partially modified. However, I believe that this is the current trend, as far as we know.

Do you have any contact with the UN envoy regarding reviving this map?

We met with the UN envoy about two weeks ago, but we had previously expressed that the UN envoy cannot accomplish anything on his own. He is merely a facilitator. Unless there is strong political will from countries that influence international politics and the Security Council, the UN envoy's work will be limited.

Is there international will to end the war in Yemen?

If we go back to the UN Security Council resolutions, specifically Resolution 2216, which was issued under Chapter VII, no decisions were taken to deal with the Houthis in accordance with the provisions and terms of this resolution and the rest of the references. In other words, there is an arms embargo on the Houthis and a decision to impose sanctions on countries that assist the Houthis, but nothing of the sort happened. The weapons, missiles, and drones reached them through the ports they control.

Regarding Resolution 2216 specifically, there is talk that it is no longer valid in light of the developments. How do you view this?

This is a Security Council resolution, and Council resolutions cannot be revoked. The resolution was intended to find a solution, and it may be implemented at any time. Just as happened recently in Lebanon, the situation was dealt with in accordance with Security Council resolutions, as well as in Syria, and thus this could happen in Yemen as well.

The Houthi leader threatened to resume Red Sea attacks after the deadline for aid deliveries to Gaza expired. How is the Yemeni government following up on this matter?

The Yemeni government's position on the attacks in the Red Sea is clear, and our position is clear regarding our support for the Palestinian people and their cause. We have emphasized from the outset that these attacks harm the Yemeni people and their interests, as well as the security of the region, and constitute a threat to international peace and security.

These attacks led to Israeli, American, and British strikes on Yemeni cities. Was this coordinated with the Yemeni government?

The issue does not require coordination, and the war is open. When ships of other countries are attacked, international law teaches us the status of international straits and how to deal with any attack that threatens freedom of navigation.

Yemen is facing a stifling economic crisis, with the currency at an all-time low. What are the government's options for dealing with this crisis?

The economic situation is extremely difficult, and this is due to the weak efficiency of the state's apparatuses and institutions, because we are in a war situation, which is an exceptional situation. There are also imbalances in the power structure, and there is also the problem of the inability to collect sufficient resources from all governorates, at least the liberated ones. There is also a crisis in some policies related to the financial aspect, and the halt in oil exports, which represent 70% of the state's approved budget, which constitutes a real dilemma.

You talked about the imbalances in the power structure. There is also a problem and imbalances in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the appointment of ambassadors. Do you have a plan to restructure the ministry?

There are irregularities and shortcomings in our work at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in some of our missions abroad. The Ministry is operating under war and difficult and harsh conditions. Some people do not know that Yemeni diplomats abroad have not received their salaries for nearly a year. Despite this, we demand that they perform at a high level. If a diplomat is unable to meet his basic requirements, this is a real problem. The truth is that some violations have occurred during the past period. We are very keen to implement the diplomatic and consular law and the executive regulations governing the work of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Finally, we approved a completely new structure for missions abroad. We have a plan to take practical steps after forming a committee for the corps for the first time since 2015 on a legal basis, and to complete the construction of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with all its departments that existed in accordance with the organizational regulations.